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当下巨额财富更主要来自创业,而不是继承

这篇文章最有价值的判断是:美国顶级财富来源确实从继承、资源和地产,转向了创始人股权与基金管理,但作者把这种“顶端造富结构变化”直接上升为“人们如何致富”的一般规律,明显说大了。
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2026-05-08 原文链接 ↗
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核心观点

  • 顶层财富来源已经换了主引擎 作者用1982和2020的富豪榜对比指出,继承型财富占比显著下降,新财富多数来自创办公司,少数来自投资基金;这个判断在“极富人群”层面是成立的,说明美国的顶端财富生产机制确实变了。
  • 所谓“tech”本质是技术杠杆型公司 作者的关键判断不是“科技行业更赚钱”,而是“靠技术做出可扩张产品的公司更容易造富”;这个说法抓住了云计算、软件分发、互联网获客带来的真实变化,但他把 Amazon、Tesla、软件公司、平台公司都打包成 tech,分类并不严谨。
  • 20世纪中叶的大公司时代未必是常态 作者最反直觉的观点是:创业致富不是新现象,反而是长期常态;真正异常的是寡头化严重、个人更倾向去大公司上班的20世纪中叶。这一判断有解释力,因为它把今天的 startup 浪潮放进了更长历史里,但证据密度还不够支撑“回归常态”这么强的结论。
  • 创业更容易,不等于致富更容易 作者提出创业成本下降、融资条件改善、增长速度更快,所以创始人更容易暴富;这条机制链对头部成功者是成立的,但它混淆了“更容易开始创业”和“更容易成为赢家”,对失败率、竞争加剧和赢家通吃的代价几乎没交代。
  • 不平等上升不能只怪 startup,但 startup 确实在推高顶端不平等 作者认为随着更多人创办更值钱的公司,基尼系数上升几乎是必然;这句话对“股权型超级财富会拉大差距”这个层面是对的,但如果拿它解释整体不平等,就过度简化了税制、金融化、全球化和资产价格膨胀的作用。

跟我们的关联

  • 对 ATou 意味着什么、下一步怎么用 这篇文章最值得 ATou 吸收的,不是“创业会发财”的鸡血,而是“高价值机会越来越来自技术杠杆改造旧行业”的判断;下一步可以用它筛项目:优先看那些能靠技术降低生产和获客成本、并能快速扩张的机会。
  • 对 Neta 意味着什么、下一步怎么用 对 Neta 来说,这篇文章提醒职业路径的默认设定已经变了,优秀人才未必再把大组织晋升当成唯一正路;下一步可以把它转成组织判断:怎样设计更高 ownership、更快试错、更像创业舞台的团队机制。
  • 对 Uota 意味着什么、下一步怎么用 对 Uota 而言,文章提供了一个观察现代财富与权力的框架:今天的头部赢家更多来自可扩张技术系统,而不是传统资源控制;下一步可以继续追问,这种“技术造富”到底是更公平,还是只是把旧垄断换成了新平台垄断。
  • 对三者共同意味着什么、下一步怎么用 这篇文章最适合作为讨论“AI 时代谁会变富”的起点,因为 AI 很可能进一步降低创业和扩张成本;下一步最实用的做法是把文中的机制拆成三问:成本是否下降、分发是否加速、壁垒是否转向技术与速度。

讨论引子

1. 如果创业门槛下降了,但赢家通吃更严重了,我们该判断这是“机会变多”还是“风险更集中”? 2. 今天所谓的 tech 造富,究竟比资源、地产、关系型造富更健康,还是只是包装得更进步? 3. AI 会延续文中的趋势,让更多创始人暴富,还是会反过来压缩创业者的独特性和议价能力?

Image 1Image 2Image 3 Image 4: How People Get Rich Now 2021年4月

自 1982 年起,Forbes 杂志每年都会发布一份美国最富有人士榜单。把 1982 年最富有的 100 人和 2020 年最富有的 100 人对比一下,会发现一些很大的差异。

1982 年,最常见的财富来源是继承。在最富有的 100 人中,有 60 人的财富来自祖辈传承。光是杜邦家族的继承人就有 10 位。到了 2020 年,继承人的数量减少了一半,只占前 100 大财富中的 27 个。

为什么继承人的比例会下降?不是因为遗产税提高了。事实上,这一时期遗产税还明显下降了。继承人比例下降,不是因为继承巨额财富的人变少了,而是因为创造巨额财富的人变多了。

这些新的财富是怎么来的?大约 3/4 来自创办公司,1/4 来自投资。2020 年新增的 73 笔大财富中,有 56 笔来自创始人或早期员工持有的股权(52 位创始人、2 位早期员工,以及 2 位创始人的妻子),另有 17 笔来自管理投资基金。

1982 年美国最富有的 100 人中,一个基金经理都没有。1982 年对冲基金和私募股权公司已经存在,但它们的创始人当时还不够富,还进不了前 100。后来发生了两个变化。基金经理找到了新的高回报方式,更多投资者也愿意把钱交给他们管理。[1]

不过,现在新财富最主要的来源还是创办公司。而看数据时,你会发现这里也发生了巨大变化。

现在,人们靠创办公司致富,比 1982 年更容易变得非常富有,因为公司做的事情已经不一样了。1982 年,新财富主要来自两个领域,石油和房地产。1982 年新增的 40 笔大财富中,至少有 24 笔主要来自石油或房地产。现在这类情况只剩很少一部分。2020 年新增的 73 笔大财富中,只有 4 笔来自房地产,只有 2 笔来自石油。

到了 2020 年,新财富最大的来源是有时被称作 tech 的公司。在 73 笔新财富中,大约 30 笔来自这类公司。它们在最富的人群里尤其常见。2020 年前 10 大财富中,有 8 笔是这种类型的新财富。

严格说来,把 tech 当作一个类别也许稍微有些误导。Amazon 难道不是真正的零售商吗?Tesla 难道不是真正的汽车制造商吗?

是,也不是。也许再过 50 年,等今天所谓的 tech 已经变得理所当然时,把这两类企业放在同一类别里就显得不合适了。但至少在当下,它们确实有某种共同点,把它们和别的公司区分开来。哪个零售商会做出 AWS?哪个汽车制造商是由一个同时还拥有火箭公司的人来经营?

跻身前 100 大财富背后的这些 tech 公司,也构成了一个边界很清晰的群体。因为它们都是风险投资人会很乐意投资的公司,而其他那些大多不是。原因也很明确。这些公司大多靠更好的技术取胜,而不只是靠一个特别有冲劲、很会谈交易的 CEO。

从这个意义上说,tech 公司的崛起代表了一种质变。1982 年 Forbes 400 里的那些石油和房地产巨头,并不是靠做出更好的技术取胜。他们赢在极强的驱动力,以及很会做交易。[2]

其实,这种致富方式古老得很,甚至早于工业革命。16 世纪和 17 世纪那些在欧洲王室名义上的服务中致富的宫廷人物,通常也是特别有冲劲、很会谈交易的人。

那些只盯着基尼系数、不往深处看的人,会把 1982 年的世界当成好时代,因为那时候发家的人没现在这么富。但如果你去深究他们是怎么富起来的,旧时代就没那么美好了。

1982 年,最富有的 100 人里有 84% 是靠继承、开采自然资源或做房地产交易发家的。这样的世界,真的比一个最富的人主要靠创办 tech 公司致富的世界更好吗?

为什么现在创办新公司的人比以前多得多,而且还能因此变得这么富?

第一个问题的答案,说来也怪,是这个问题本身问错了。我们不该问为什么人们在创办公司,而该问为什么他们又开始创办公司了。[3]

1892 年,New York Herald Tribune 编制了一份美国所有百万富翁的名单。他们一共找到了 4047 人。当时有多少人是继承财富的?只有大约 20%,甚至比今天继承人的比例还低。

而如果你去追查那些新财富的来源,1892 年看起来会比 1982 年更像今天。Hugh Rockoff 发现,许多最富有的人,最初的优势都来自大规模生产的新技术。[4]

所以,这里的反常点不是 2020 年,而是 1982 年。真正的问题是,为什么 1982 年靠创办公司致富的人那么少。

答案是,就在 Herald Tribune 那份榜单编制的时候,一股整合浪潮正在席卷美国经济。19 世纪末到 20 世纪初,J. P. Morgan 这样的金融家把数千家小公司合并成了几百家巨头,它们拥有压倒性的规模经济优势。正如 Michael Lind 所写,到第二次世界大战结束时,经济中的主要部门不是被政府支持的卡特尔所组织起来,就是被少数寡头企业所主导。[5]

如果是在 1960 年,如今大多数会去创办 startup 的人,当时都会去这些大公司上班。1890 年你可以靠创办自己的公司发财,2020 年也可以,但在 1960 年,这几乎不是一条现实可行的路。你根本突破不了那些寡头控制的市场。

所以,1960 年最体面的路径,不是自己创业,而是在现有的大公司里一路往上爬。[6]

让所有人都成为企业雇员,确实降低了经济不平等,也降低了其他各种差异。但如果你把 20 世纪中叶视作常态,那在这件事上,你对正常状态的理解会非常失真。

J. P. Morgan 那种经济,后来证明不过是一个阶段。从 1970 年代开始,它开始瓦解。为什么会瓦解?一部分原因是衰老。1930 年看起来像规模与效率典范的大公司,到 1970 年已经变得松散臃肿。到了 1970 年,僵化的经济结构里已经充满了各种舒适小窝,不同群体借此把自己和市场力量隔离开来。

在 Carter 政府时期,联邦政府意识到情况不对,开始通过他们称之为 deregulation 的过程,撤回那些支撑寡头垄断的政策。

但瓦解 J. P. Morgan 式经济的,不只是内部腐朽。外部也有压力,形式就是新技术,尤其是微电子技术。

理解这一切最好的方式,是想象一个池塘,表面结着一层冰。起初,从水底到水面的唯一办法,是绕着边缘走。但随着冰层变弱,你开始能够直接从中间冲破它。

池塘的边缘,就是纯 tech 领域,那些真的会把自己描述成电子公司或软件公司的企业。1990 年你说 startup,指的就是这种公司。

但现在,startup 已经开始直接从冰层中间破出来,取代零售商、电视网络、汽车公司这些既有巨头。[7]

不过,J. P. Morgan 式经济的瓦解,虽然在技术意义上创造了一个新世界,在社会意义上却更像是回归常态。

如果你的回顾只追溯到 20 世纪中叶,那人们靠创办自己的公司致富,看起来像是近来的现象。但如果你看得更远一点,就会意识到,这其实才是默认状态。

所以,对未来更合理的预期,是同样的趋势会继续下去。事实上,我们应该预期创始人的数量和财富都会继续增加,因为每过十年,创办一家 startup 都会变得更容易。

之所以越来越容易创业,一部分原因是社会性的。社会正在重新吸收这个观念。如果你现在创业,你的父母不会像上一代那样惊慌失措,而且关于怎么做的知识也传播得广得多了。

但现在创业更容易的主要原因,是成本更低了。技术降低了做产品的成本,也降低了获取客户的成本。

创业成本的下降,反过来也改变了创始人和投资人之间的力量平衡。过去创办 startup 意味着要建工厂,那你首先得得到投资人的许可,事情才能开始。但现在,投资人比创始人更需要彼此,这一点,再加上越来越充裕的风险投资资金,推高了估值。[8]

所以,创办 startup 的成本下降,通过两种方式增加了富人的数量。一种是更多人去创业。另一种是创业的人能以更好的条件融资。

但还有第三个因素也在起作用。公司本身变得更值钱了,因为新创公司如今增长得比过去更快。技术不只是让制造和分发变得更便宜,也让它们变得更快。

这个趋势已经持续很久了。1896 年成立的 IBM,用了 45 年才达到按 2020 年美元计价的 10 亿美元营收。1939 年成立的 Hewlett-Packard 用了 25 年。1975 年成立的 Microsoft 用了 13 年。现在,快速增长公司的常态是 7 到 8 年。[9]

高速增长会对创始人股票的价值产生双重作用。公司的价值取决于营收和增长率。所以,如果一家公司增长更快,你不仅会更早到达 10 亿美元营收,而且它在到达这一点时的价值,也会比低速增长时更高。

这就是为什么现在创始人有时年纪轻轻就会变得极其富有。创业的初始成本低,意味着创始人可以更早开始。如今公司的增长速度又很快,这意味着如果他们成功了,几年之后就可能富得惊人。

现在,创办和发展一家公司,比历史上任何时候都更容易。这意味着会有更多人去创业,创业的人能从投资人那里拿到更好的条件,最终产生的公司也会更值钱。

一旦你理解这些机制是怎么运作的,也理解了 startup 在 20 世纪的大部分时间里其实一直被压制,你就不需要求助于某种模糊的说法,比如这个国家在 Reagan 时代突然整体右转,来解释为什么美国的基尼系数在上升。

基尼系数当然会上升。随着越来越多人创办越来越有价值的公司,它怎么可能不上升呢?

注释

[1] 投资公司在 1978 年后迅速增长,因为劳工部的一项监管变化允许养老基金投资它们,但到 1982 年,这种增长的效果还没有在前 100 大财富中显现出来。

[2] George Mitchell 值得作为一个例外被提到。虽然他同样极有冲劲,也很会做交易,但他也是第一个弄明白如何用压裂技术从页岩中开采天然气的人。

[3] 当我说人们创办了更多公司时,我指的是那种以成长为目标、想做得非常大的公司。实际上,过去二十年里,新公司的总体数量反而下降了。但绝大多数公司都是小型零售和服务类企业。所以,那些关于新企业数量下降的统计,真正的意思是人们开更少的鞋店和理发店了。人们有时会在看到一个标着 startups 且曲线向下的图表时感到困惑,因为 startup 这个词有两层含义。其一是创办一家公司,其二是一种专门为了快速做大而设计的特定公司类型。那些统计里的 startup,说的是第一种,不是第二种。

[4] Rockoff, Hugh. Great Fortunes of the Gilded Age. NBER Working Paper 14555, 2008.

[5] Lind, Michael. Land of Promise. HarperCollins, 2012。20 世纪中叶的高税率,很可能也阻碍了人们创办自己的公司。创办自己的公司本来就有风险,而当风险得不到回报时,人们就会转而选择安全。但这不是简单的单向因果。20 世纪中叶的寡头垄断和高税率,本来就是同一套体系里的东西。较低税率不只是创业的原因,也是其结果。20 世纪中叶那些靠房地产和石油勘探致富的人,通过游说获得了巨大的税收漏洞,使他们的实际税率低得多。而如果靠打造新技术公司做大这件事在当时更普遍,那么做这件事的人大概也会去为自己争取类似的漏洞。

[6] 这就是为什么 20 世纪中叶那些真正发了财的人,常常是靠石油勘探或房地产发家的。因为这是经济中两个不太容易被整合的主要领域。

[7] 纯 tech 公司过去被称作 high technology startups。但现在 startup 已经可以从冰层正中冲破出来,我们也就不再需要给边缘地带单独起个名字了,而且 high-tech 这个词如今听起来已经明显带着一种复古味道。

[8] 更高的估值意味着,要么你为了拿到一笔既定金额而卖出更少股票,要么你在卖出既定数量股票时能拿到更多钱。典型的 startup 通常两者都会做一点。显然,如果你保留更多股票,最后会更富。但如果你融到更多钱,按理说也应该更富,因为其一,这应该会让公司更成功;其二,你应该能在下一轮融资前撑得更久,甚至根本不再需要下一轮。不过请注意,这里用了很多 should。现实里,很多钱都会从这些 should 里漏掉。如今 startup 融资轮动辄规模巨大,看起来似乎和创业变便宜了这个说法相矛盾。但这里并没有矛盾。融资最多的 startup,之所以这么做,是出于选择,是为了更快增长,而不是因为它们需要这些钱才能活下去。没有什么比不缺钱,更能让别人主动把钱送上门。你会以为,在与资本的斗争中站在劳工一边站了将近两个世纪之后,极左派终于会为劳工获胜而高兴。但他们看起来一个也没有高兴。你几乎能听见他们在说,不,不,不是以那种方式。

[9] IBM 在 1911 年由三家公司合并而成,其中最重要的是 Herman Hollerith 于 1896 年创办的 Tabulating Machine Company。到 1941 年,它的营收是 6000 万美元。Hewlett-Packard 在 1964 年的营收是 1.25 亿美元。Microsoft 在 1988 年的营收是 5.9 亿美元。

感谢 Trevor Blackwell、Jessica Livingston、Bob Lesko、Robert Morris、Russ Roberts 和 Alex Tabarrok 阅读本文草稿,也感谢 Jon Erlichman 提供增长数据。

Image 1Image 2Image 3 Image 4: How People Get Rich Now April 2021 Every year since 1982, Forbes magazine has published a list of the richest Americans. If we compare the 100 richest people in 1982 to the 100 richest in 2020, we notice some big differences. In 1982 the most common source of wealth was inheritance. Of the 100 richest people, 60 inherited from an ancestor. There were 10 du Pont heirs alone. By 2020 the number of heirs had been cut in half, accounting for only 27 of the biggest 100 fortunes. Why would the percentage of heirs decrease? Not because inheritance taxes increased. In fact, they decreased significantly during this period. The reason the percentage of heirs has decreased is not that fewer people are inheriting great fortunes, but that more people are making them. How are people making these new fortunes? Roughly 3/4 by starting companies and 1/4 by investing. Of the 73 new fortunes in 2020, 56 derive from founders' or early employees' equity (52 founders, 2 early employees, and 2 wives of founders), and 17 from managing investment funds. There were no fund managers among the 100 richest Americans in 1982. Hedge funds and private equity firms existed in 1982, but none of their founders were rich enough yet to make it into the top 100. Two things changed: fund managers discovered new ways to generate high returns, and more investors were willing to trust them with their money. [1] But the main source of new fortunes now is starting companies, and when you look at the data, you see big changes there too. People get richer from starting companies now than they did in 1982, because the companies do different things. In 1982, there were two dominant sources of new wealth: oil and real estate. Of the 40 new fortunes in 1982, at least 24 were due primarily to oil or real estate. Now only a small number are: of the 73 new fortunes in 2020, 4 were due to real estate and only 2 to oil. By 2020 the biggest source of new wealth was what are sometimes called "tech" companies. Of the 73 new fortunes, about 30 derive from such companies. These are particularly common among the richest of the rich: 8 of the top 10 fortunes in 2020 were new fortunes of this type. Arguably it's slightly misleading to treat tech as a category. Isn't Amazon really a retailer, and Tesla a car maker? Yes and no. Maybe in 50 years, when what we call tech is taken for granted, it won't seem right to put these two businesses in the same category. But at the moment at least, there is definitely something they share in common that distinguishes them. What retailer starts AWS? What car maker is run by someone who also has a rocket company? The tech companies behind the top 100 fortunes also form a well-differentiated group in the sense that they're all companies that venture capitalists would readily invest in, and the others mostly not. And there's a reason why: these are mostly companies that win by having better technology, rather than just a CEO who's really driven and good at making deals. To that extent, the rise of the tech companies represents a qualitative change. The oil and real estate magnates of the 1982 Forbes 400 didn't win by making better technology. They won by being really driven and good at making deals. [2] And indeed, that way of getting rich is so old that it predates the Industrial Revolution. The courtiers who got rich in the (nominal) service of European royal houses in the 16th and 17th centuries were also, as a rule, really driven and good at making deals. People who don't look any deeper than the Gini coefficient look back on the world of 1982 as the good old days, because those who got rich then didn't get as rich. But if you dig into how they got rich, the old days don't look so good. In 1982, 84% of the richest 100 people got rich by inheritance, extracting natural resources, or doing real estate deals. Is that really better than a world in which the richest people get rich by starting tech companies? Why are people starting so many more new companies than they used to, and why are they getting so rich from it? The answer to the first question, curiously enough, is that it's misphrased. We shouldn't be asking why people are starting companies, but why they're starting companies again. [3] In 1892, the New York Herald Tribune compiled a list of all the millionaires in America. They found 4047 of them. How many had inherited their wealth then? Only about 20%, which is less than the proportion of heirs today. And when you investigate the sources of the new fortunes, 1892 looks even more like today. Hugh Rockoff found that "many of the richest ... gained their initial edge from the new technology of mass production." [4] So it's not 2020 that's the anomaly here, but 1982. The real question is why so few people had gotten rich from starting companies in 1982. And the answer is that even as the Herald Tribune's list was being compiled, a wave of consolidation was sweeping through the American economy. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, financiers like J. P. Morgan combined thousands of smaller companies into a few hundred giant ones with commanding economies of scale. By the end of World War II, as Michael Lind writes, "the major sectors of the economy were either organized as government-backed cartels or dominated by a few oligopolistic corporations." [5] In 1960, most of the people who start startups today would have gone to work for one of them. You could get rich from starting your own company in 1890 and in 2020, but in 1960 it was not really a viable option. You couldn't break through the oligopolies to get at the markets. So the prestigious route in 1960 was not to start your own company, but to work your way up the corporate ladder at an existing one. [6] Making everyone a corporate employee decreased economic inequality (and every other kind of variation), but if your model of normal is the mid 20th century, you have a very misleading model in that respect. J. P. Morgan's economy turned out to be just a phase, and starting in the 1970s, it began to break up. Why did it break up? Partly senescence. The big companies that seemed models of scale and efficiency in 1930 had by 1970 become slack and bloated. By 1970 the rigid structure of the economy was full of cosy nests that various groups had built to insulate themselves from market forces. During the Carter administration the federal government realized something was amiss and began, in a process they called "deregulation," to roll back the policies that propped up the oligopolies. But it wasn't just decay from within that broke up J. P. Morgan's economy. There was also pressure from without, in the form of new technology, and particularly microelectronics. The best way to envision what happened is to imagine a pond with a crust of ice on top. Initially the only way from the bottom to the surface is around the edges. But as the ice crust weakens, you start to be able to punch right through the middle. The edges of the pond were pure tech: companies that actually described themselves as being in the electronics or software business. When you used the word "startup" in 1990, that was what you meant. But now startups are punching right through the middle of the ice crust and displacing incumbents like retailers and TV networks and car companies. [7] But though the breakup of J. P. Morgan's economy created a new world in the technological sense, it was a reversion to the norm in the social sense. If you only look back as far as the mid 20th century, it seems like people getting rich by starting their own companies is a recent phenomenon. But if you look back further, you realize it's actually the default. So what we should expect in the future is more of the same. Indeed, we should expect both the number and wealth of founders to grow, because every decade it gets easier to start a startup. Part of the reason it's getting easier to start a startup is social. Society is (re)assimilating the concept. If you start one now, your parents won't freak out the way they would have a generation ago, and knowledge about how to do it is much more widespread. But the main reason it's easier to start a startup now is that it's cheaper. Technology has driven down the cost of both building products and acquiring customers. The decreasing cost of starting a startup has in turn changed the balance of power between founders and investors. Back when starting a startup meant building a factory, you needed investors' permission to do it at all. But now investors need founders more than founders need investors, and that, combined with the increasing amount of venture capital available, has driven up valuations. [8] So the decreasing cost of starting a startup increases the number of rich people in two ways: it means that more people start them, and that those who do can raise money on better terms. But there's also a third factor at work: the companies themselves are more valuable, because newly founded companies grow faster than they used to. Technology hasn't just made it cheaper to build and distribute things, but faster too. This trend has been running for a long time. IBM, founded in 1896, took 45 years to reach a billion 2020 dollars in revenue. Hewlett-Packard, founded in 1939, took 25 years. Microsoft, founded in 1975, took 13 years. Now the norm for fast-growing companies is 7 or 8 years. [9] Fast growth has a double effect on the value of founders' stock. The value of a company is a function of its revenue and its growth rate. So if a company grows faster, you not only get to a billion dollars in revenue sooner, but the company is more valuable when it reaches that point than it would be if it were growing slower. That's why founders sometimes get so rich so young now. The low initial cost of starting a startup means founders can start young, and the fast growth of companies today means that if they succeed they could be surprisingly rich just a few years later. It's easier now to start and grow a company than it has ever been. That means more people start them, that those who do get better terms from investors, and that the resulting companies become more valuable. Once you understand how these mechanisms work, and that startups were suppressed for most of the 20th century, you don't have to resort to some vague right turn the country took under Reagan to explain why America's Gini coefficient is increasing. Of course the Gini coefficient is increasing. With more people starting more valuable companies, how could it not be? Notes [1] Investment firms grew rapidly after a regulatory change by the Labor Department in 1978 allowed pension funds to invest in them, but the effects of this growth were not yet visible in the top 100 fortunes in 1982. [2] George Mitchell deserves mention as an exception. Though really driven and good at making deals, he was also the first to figure out how to use fracking to get natural gas out of shale. [3] When I say people are starting more companies, I mean the type of company meant to grow very big. There has actually been a decrease in the last couple decades in the overall number of new companies. But the vast majority of companies are small retail and service businesses. So what the statistics about the decreasing number of new businesses mean is that people are starting fewer shoe stores and barber shops. People sometimes get confused when they see a graph labelled "startups" that's going down, because there are two senses of the word "startup": (1) the founding of a company, and (2) a particular type of company designed to grow big fast. The statistics mean startup in sense (1), not sense (2). [4] Rockoff, Hugh. "Great Fortunes of the Gilded Age." NBER Working Paper 14555, 2008. [5] Lind, Michael. Land of Promise. HarperCollins, 2012. It's also likely that the high tax rates in the mid 20th century deterred people from starting their own companies. Starting one's own company is risky, and when risk isn't rewarded, people opt for safety instead. But it wasn't simply cause and effect. The oligopolies and high tax rates of the mid 20th century were all of a piece. Lower taxes are not just a cause of entrepreneurship, but an effect as well: the people getting rich in the mid 20th century from real estate and oil exploration lobbied for and got huge tax loopholes that made their effective tax rate much lower, and presumably if it had been more common to grow big companies by building new technology, the people doing that would have lobbied for their own loopholes as well. [6] That's why the people who did get rich in the mid 20th century so often got rich from oil exploration or real estate. Those were the two big areas of the economy that weren't susceptible to consolidation. [7] The pure tech companies used to be called "high technology" startups. But now that startups can punch through the middle of the ice crust, we don't need a separate name for the edges, and the term "high-tech" has a decidedly retro sound. [8] Higher valuations mean you either sell less stock to get a given amount of money, or get more money for a given amount of stock. The typical startup does some of each. Obviously you end up richer if you keep more stock, but you should also end up richer if you raise more money, because (a) it should make the company more successful, and (b) you should be able to last longer before the next round, or not even need one. Notice all those shoulds though. In practice a lot of money slips through them. It might seem that the huge rounds raised by startups nowadays contradict the claim that it has become cheaper to start one. But there's no contradiction here; the startups that raise the most are the ones doing it by choice, in order to grow faster, not the ones doing it because they need the money to survive. There's nothing like not needing money to make people offer it to you. You would think, after having been on the side of labor in its fight with capital for almost two centuries, that the far left would be happy that labor has finally prevailed. But none of them seem to be. You can almost hear them saying "No, no, not that way." [9] IBM was created in 1911 by merging three companies, the most important of which was Herman Hollerith's Tabulating Machine Company, founded in 1896. In 1941 its revenues were $60 million. Hewlett-Packard's revenues in 1964 were $125 million. Microsoft's revenues in 1988 were $590 million. Thanks to Trevor Blackwell, Jessica Livingston, Bob Lesko, Robert Morris, Russ Roberts, and Alex Tabarrok for reading drafts of this, and to Jon Erlichman for growth data. * * *

Image 1Image 2Image 3 Image 4: How People Get Rich Now 2021年4月

自 1982 年起,Forbes 杂志每年都会发布一份美国最富有人士榜单。把 1982 年最富有的 100 人和 2020 年最富有的 100 人对比一下,会发现一些很大的差异。

1982 年,最常见的财富来源是继承。在最富有的 100 人中,有 60 人的财富来自祖辈传承。光是杜邦家族的继承人就有 10 位。到了 2020 年,继承人的数量减少了一半,只占前 100 大财富中的 27 个。

为什么继承人的比例会下降?不是因为遗产税提高了。事实上,这一时期遗产税还明显下降了。继承人比例下降,不是因为继承巨额财富的人变少了,而是因为创造巨额财富的人变多了。

这些新的财富是怎么来的?大约 3/4 来自创办公司,1/4 来自投资。2020 年新增的 73 笔大财富中,有 56 笔来自创始人或早期员工持有的股权(52 位创始人、2 位早期员工,以及 2 位创始人的妻子),另有 17 笔来自管理投资基金。

1982 年美国最富有的 100 人中,一个基金经理都没有。1982 年对冲基金和私募股权公司已经存在,但它们的创始人当时还不够富,还进不了前 100。后来发生了两个变化。基金经理找到了新的高回报方式,更多投资者也愿意把钱交给他们管理。[1]

不过,现在新财富最主要的来源还是创办公司。而看数据时,你会发现这里也发生了巨大变化。

现在,人们靠创办公司致富,比 1982 年更容易变得非常富有,因为公司做的事情已经不一样了。1982 年,新财富主要来自两个领域,石油和房地产。1982 年新增的 40 笔大财富中,至少有 24 笔主要来自石油或房地产。现在这类情况只剩很少一部分。2020 年新增的 73 笔大财富中,只有 4 笔来自房地产,只有 2 笔来自石油。

到了 2020 年,新财富最大的来源是有时被称作 tech 的公司。在 73 笔新财富中,大约 30 笔来自这类公司。它们在最富的人群里尤其常见。2020 年前 10 大财富中,有 8 笔是这种类型的新财富。

严格说来,把 tech 当作一个类别也许稍微有些误导。Amazon 难道不是真正的零售商吗?Tesla 难道不是真正的汽车制造商吗?

是,也不是。也许再过 50 年,等今天所谓的 tech 已经变得理所当然时,把这两类企业放在同一类别里就显得不合适了。但至少在当下,它们确实有某种共同点,把它们和别的公司区分开来。哪个零售商会做出 AWS?哪个汽车制造商是由一个同时还拥有火箭公司的人来经营?

跻身前 100 大财富背后的这些 tech 公司,也构成了一个边界很清晰的群体。因为它们都是风险投资人会很乐意投资的公司,而其他那些大多不是。原因也很明确。这些公司大多靠更好的技术取胜,而不只是靠一个特别有冲劲、很会谈交易的 CEO。

从这个意义上说,tech 公司的崛起代表了一种质变。1982 年 Forbes 400 里的那些石油和房地产巨头,并不是靠做出更好的技术取胜。他们赢在极强的驱动力,以及很会做交易。[2]

其实,这种致富方式古老得很,甚至早于工业革命。16 世纪和 17 世纪那些在欧洲王室名义上的服务中致富的宫廷人物,通常也是特别有冲劲、很会谈交易的人。

那些只盯着基尼系数、不往深处看的人,会把 1982 年的世界当成好时代,因为那时候发家的人没现在这么富。但如果你去深究他们是怎么富起来的,旧时代就没那么美好了。

1982 年,最富有的 100 人里有 84% 是靠继承、开采自然资源或做房地产交易发家的。这样的世界,真的比一个最富的人主要靠创办 tech 公司致富的世界更好吗?

为什么现在创办新公司的人比以前多得多,而且还能因此变得这么富?

第一个问题的答案,说来也怪,是这个问题本身问错了。我们不该问为什么人们在创办公司,而该问为什么他们又开始创办公司了。[3]

1892 年,New York Herald Tribune 编制了一份美国所有百万富翁的名单。他们一共找到了 4047 人。当时有多少人是继承财富的?只有大约 20%,甚至比今天继承人的比例还低。

而如果你去追查那些新财富的来源,1892 年看起来会比 1982 年更像今天。Hugh Rockoff 发现,许多最富有的人,最初的优势都来自大规模生产的新技术。[4]

所以,这里的反常点不是 2020 年,而是 1982 年。真正的问题是,为什么 1982 年靠创办公司致富的人那么少。

答案是,就在 Herald Tribune 那份榜单编制的时候,一股整合浪潮正在席卷美国经济。19 世纪末到 20 世纪初,J. P. Morgan 这样的金融家把数千家小公司合并成了几百家巨头,它们拥有压倒性的规模经济优势。正如 Michael Lind 所写,到第二次世界大战结束时,经济中的主要部门不是被政府支持的卡特尔所组织起来,就是被少数寡头企业所主导。[5]

如果是在 1960 年,如今大多数会去创办 startup 的人,当时都会去这些大公司上班。1890 年你可以靠创办自己的公司发财,2020 年也可以,但在 1960 年,这几乎不是一条现实可行的路。你根本突破不了那些寡头控制的市场。

所以,1960 年最体面的路径,不是自己创业,而是在现有的大公司里一路往上爬。[6]

让所有人都成为企业雇员,确实降低了经济不平等,也降低了其他各种差异。但如果你把 20 世纪中叶视作常态,那在这件事上,你对正常状态的理解会非常失真。

J. P. Morgan 那种经济,后来证明不过是一个阶段。从 1970 年代开始,它开始瓦解。为什么会瓦解?一部分原因是衰老。1930 年看起来像规模与效率典范的大公司,到 1970 年已经变得松散臃肿。到了 1970 年,僵化的经济结构里已经充满了各种舒适小窝,不同群体借此把自己和市场力量隔离开来。

在 Carter 政府时期,联邦政府意识到情况不对,开始通过他们称之为 deregulation 的过程,撤回那些支撑寡头垄断的政策。

但瓦解 J. P. Morgan 式经济的,不只是内部腐朽。外部也有压力,形式就是新技术,尤其是微电子技术。

理解这一切最好的方式,是想象一个池塘,表面结着一层冰。起初,从水底到水面的唯一办法,是绕着边缘走。但随着冰层变弱,你开始能够直接从中间冲破它。

池塘的边缘,就是纯 tech 领域,那些真的会把自己描述成电子公司或软件公司的企业。1990 年你说 startup,指的就是这种公司。

但现在,startup 已经开始直接从冰层中间破出来,取代零售商、电视网络、汽车公司这些既有巨头。[7]

不过,J. P. Morgan 式经济的瓦解,虽然在技术意义上创造了一个新世界,在社会意义上却更像是回归常态。

如果你的回顾只追溯到 20 世纪中叶,那人们靠创办自己的公司致富,看起来像是近来的现象。但如果你看得更远一点,就会意识到,这其实才是默认状态。

所以,对未来更合理的预期,是同样的趋势会继续下去。事实上,我们应该预期创始人的数量和财富都会继续增加,因为每过十年,创办一家 startup 都会变得更容易。

之所以越来越容易创业,一部分原因是社会性的。社会正在重新吸收这个观念。如果你现在创业,你的父母不会像上一代那样惊慌失措,而且关于怎么做的知识也传播得广得多了。

但现在创业更容易的主要原因,是成本更低了。技术降低了做产品的成本,也降低了获取客户的成本。

创业成本的下降,反过来也改变了创始人和投资人之间的力量平衡。过去创办 startup 意味着要建工厂,那你首先得得到投资人的许可,事情才能开始。但现在,投资人比创始人更需要彼此,这一点,再加上越来越充裕的风险投资资金,推高了估值。[8]

所以,创办 startup 的成本下降,通过两种方式增加了富人的数量。一种是更多人去创业。另一种是创业的人能以更好的条件融资。

但还有第三个因素也在起作用。公司本身变得更值钱了,因为新创公司如今增长得比过去更快。技术不只是让制造和分发变得更便宜,也让它们变得更快。

这个趋势已经持续很久了。1896 年成立的 IBM,用了 45 年才达到按 2020 年美元计价的 10 亿美元营收。1939 年成立的 Hewlett-Packard 用了 25 年。1975 年成立的 Microsoft 用了 13 年。现在,快速增长公司的常态是 7 到 8 年。[9]

高速增长会对创始人股票的价值产生双重作用。公司的价值取决于营收和增长率。所以,如果一家公司增长更快,你不仅会更早到达 10 亿美元营收,而且它在到达这一点时的价值,也会比低速增长时更高。

这就是为什么现在创始人有时年纪轻轻就会变得极其富有。创业的初始成本低,意味着创始人可以更早开始。如今公司的增长速度又很快,这意味着如果他们成功了,几年之后就可能富得惊人。

现在,创办和发展一家公司,比历史上任何时候都更容易。这意味着会有更多人去创业,创业的人能从投资人那里拿到更好的条件,最终产生的公司也会更值钱。

一旦你理解这些机制是怎么运作的,也理解了 startup 在 20 世纪的大部分时间里其实一直被压制,你就不需要求助于某种模糊的说法,比如这个国家在 Reagan 时代突然整体右转,来解释为什么美国的基尼系数在上升。

基尼系数当然会上升。随着越来越多人创办越来越有价值的公司,它怎么可能不上升呢?

注释

[1] 投资公司在 1978 年后迅速增长,因为劳工部的一项监管变化允许养老基金投资它们,但到 1982 年,这种增长的效果还没有在前 100 大财富中显现出来。

[2] George Mitchell 值得作为一个例外被提到。虽然他同样极有冲劲,也很会做交易,但他也是第一个弄明白如何用压裂技术从页岩中开采天然气的人。

[3] 当我说人们创办了更多公司时,我指的是那种以成长为目标、想做得非常大的公司。实际上,过去二十年里,新公司的总体数量反而下降了。但绝大多数公司都是小型零售和服务类企业。所以,那些关于新企业数量下降的统计,真正的意思是人们开更少的鞋店和理发店了。人们有时会在看到一个标着 startups 且曲线向下的图表时感到困惑,因为 startup 这个词有两层含义。其一是创办一家公司,其二是一种专门为了快速做大而设计的特定公司类型。那些统计里的 startup,说的是第一种,不是第二种。

[4] Rockoff, Hugh. Great Fortunes of the Gilded Age. NBER Working Paper 14555, 2008.

[5] Lind, Michael. Land of Promise. HarperCollins, 2012。20 世纪中叶的高税率,很可能也阻碍了人们创办自己的公司。创办自己的公司本来就有风险,而当风险得不到回报时,人们就会转而选择安全。但这不是简单的单向因果。20 世纪中叶的寡头垄断和高税率,本来就是同一套体系里的东西。较低税率不只是创业的原因,也是其结果。20 世纪中叶那些靠房地产和石油勘探致富的人,通过游说获得了巨大的税收漏洞,使他们的实际税率低得多。而如果靠打造新技术公司做大这件事在当时更普遍,那么做这件事的人大概也会去为自己争取类似的漏洞。

[6] 这就是为什么 20 世纪中叶那些真正发了财的人,常常是靠石油勘探或房地产发家的。因为这是经济中两个不太容易被整合的主要领域。

[7] 纯 tech 公司过去被称作 high technology startups。但现在 startup 已经可以从冰层正中冲破出来,我们也就不再需要给边缘地带单独起个名字了,而且 high-tech 这个词如今听起来已经明显带着一种复古味道。

[8] 更高的估值意味着,要么你为了拿到一笔既定金额而卖出更少股票,要么你在卖出既定数量股票时能拿到更多钱。典型的 startup 通常两者都会做一点。显然,如果你保留更多股票,最后会更富。但如果你融到更多钱,按理说也应该更富,因为其一,这应该会让公司更成功;其二,你应该能在下一轮融资前撑得更久,甚至根本不再需要下一轮。不过请注意,这里用了很多 should。现实里,很多钱都会从这些 should 里漏掉。如今 startup 融资轮动辄规模巨大,看起来似乎和创业变便宜了这个说法相矛盾。但这里并没有矛盾。融资最多的 startup,之所以这么做,是出于选择,是为了更快增长,而不是因为它们需要这些钱才能活下去。没有什么比不缺钱,更能让别人主动把钱送上门。你会以为,在与资本的斗争中站在劳工一边站了将近两个世纪之后,极左派终于会为劳工获胜而高兴。但他们看起来一个也没有高兴。你几乎能听见他们在说,不,不,不是以那种方式。

[9] IBM 在 1911 年由三家公司合并而成,其中最重要的是 Herman Hollerith 于 1896 年创办的 Tabulating Machine Company。到 1941 年,它的营收是 6000 万美元。Hewlett-Packard 在 1964 年的营收是 1.25 亿美元。Microsoft 在 1988 年的营收是 5.9 亿美元。

感谢 Trevor Blackwell、Jessica Livingston、Bob Lesko、Robert Morris、Russ Roberts 和 Alex Tabarrok 阅读本文草稿,也感谢 Jon Erlichman 提供增长数据。

Image 1Image 2Image 3 Image 4: How People Get Rich Now April 2021 Every year since 1982, Forbes magazine has published a list of the richest Americans. If we compare the 100 richest people in 1982 to the 100 richest in 2020, we notice some big differences. In 1982 the most common source of wealth was inheritance. Of the 100 richest people, 60 inherited from an ancestor. There were 10 du Pont heirs alone. By 2020 the number of heirs had been cut in half, accounting for only 27 of the biggest 100 fortunes. Why would the percentage of heirs decrease? Not because inheritance taxes increased. In fact, they decreased significantly during this period. The reason the percentage of heirs has decreased is not that fewer people are inheriting great fortunes, but that more people are making them. How are people making these new fortunes? Roughly 3/4 by starting companies and 1/4 by investing. Of the 73 new fortunes in 2020, 56 derive from founders' or early employees' equity (52 founders, 2 early employees, and 2 wives of founders), and 17 from managing investment funds. There were no fund managers among the 100 richest Americans in 1982. Hedge funds and private equity firms existed in 1982, but none of their founders were rich enough yet to make it into the top 100. Two things changed: fund managers discovered new ways to generate high returns, and more investors were willing to trust them with their money. [1] But the main source of new fortunes now is starting companies, and when you look at the data, you see big changes there too. People get richer from starting companies now than they did in 1982, because the companies do different things. In 1982, there were two dominant sources of new wealth: oil and real estate. Of the 40 new fortunes in 1982, at least 24 were due primarily to oil or real estate. Now only a small number are: of the 73 new fortunes in 2020, 4 were due to real estate and only 2 to oil. By 2020 the biggest source of new wealth was what are sometimes called "tech" companies. Of the 73 new fortunes, about 30 derive from such companies. These are particularly common among the richest of the rich: 8 of the top 10 fortunes in 2020 were new fortunes of this type. Arguably it's slightly misleading to treat tech as a category. Isn't Amazon really a retailer, and Tesla a car maker? Yes and no. Maybe in 50 years, when what we call tech is taken for granted, it won't seem right to put these two businesses in the same category. But at the moment at least, there is definitely something they share in common that distinguishes them. What retailer starts AWS? What car maker is run by someone who also has a rocket company? The tech companies behind the top 100 fortunes also form a well-differentiated group in the sense that they're all companies that venture capitalists would readily invest in, and the others mostly not. And there's a reason why: these are mostly companies that win by having better technology, rather than just a CEO who's really driven and good at making deals. To that extent, the rise of the tech companies represents a qualitative change. The oil and real estate magnates of the 1982 Forbes 400 didn't win by making better technology. They won by being really driven and good at making deals. [2] And indeed, that way of getting rich is so old that it predates the Industrial Revolution. The courtiers who got rich in the (nominal) service of European royal houses in the 16th and 17th centuries were also, as a rule, really driven and good at making deals. People who don't look any deeper than the Gini coefficient look back on the world of 1982 as the good old days, because those who got rich then didn't get as rich. But if you dig into how they got rich, the old days don't look so good. In 1982, 84% of the richest 100 people got rich by inheritance, extracting natural resources, or doing real estate deals. Is that really better than a world in which the richest people get rich by starting tech companies? Why are people starting so many more new companies than they used to, and why are they getting so rich from it? The answer to the first question, curiously enough, is that it's misphrased. We shouldn't be asking why people are starting companies, but why they're starting companies again. [3] In 1892, the New York Herald Tribune compiled a list of all the millionaires in America. They found 4047 of them. How many had inherited their wealth then? Only about 20%, which is less than the proportion of heirs today. And when you investigate the sources of the new fortunes, 1892 looks even more like today. Hugh Rockoff found that "many of the richest ... gained their initial edge from the new technology of mass production." [4] So it's not 2020 that's the anomaly here, but 1982. The real question is why so few people had gotten rich from starting companies in 1982. And the answer is that even as the Herald Tribune's list was being compiled, a wave of consolidation was sweeping through the American economy. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, financiers like J. P. Morgan combined thousands of smaller companies into a few hundred giant ones with commanding economies of scale. By the end of World War II, as Michael Lind writes, "the major sectors of the economy were either organized as government-backed cartels or dominated by a few oligopolistic corporations." [5] In 1960, most of the people who start startups today would have gone to work for one of them. You could get rich from starting your own company in 1890 and in 2020, but in 1960 it was not really a viable option. You couldn't break through the oligopolies to get at the markets. So the prestigious route in 1960 was not to start your own company, but to work your way up the corporate ladder at an existing one. [6] Making everyone a corporate employee decreased economic inequality (and every other kind of variation), but if your model of normal is the mid 20th century, you have a very misleading model in that respect. J. P. Morgan's economy turned out to be just a phase, and starting in the 1970s, it began to break up. Why did it break up? Partly senescence. The big companies that seemed models of scale and efficiency in 1930 had by 1970 become slack and bloated. By 1970 the rigid structure of the economy was full of cosy nests that various groups had built to insulate themselves from market forces. During the Carter administration the federal government realized something was amiss and began, in a process they called "deregulation," to roll back the policies that propped up the oligopolies. But it wasn't just decay from within that broke up J. P. Morgan's economy. There was also pressure from without, in the form of new technology, and particularly microelectronics. The best way to envision what happened is to imagine a pond with a crust of ice on top. Initially the only way from the bottom to the surface is around the edges. But as the ice crust weakens, you start to be able to punch right through the middle. The edges of the pond were pure tech: companies that actually described themselves as being in the electronics or software business. When you used the word "startup" in 1990, that was what you meant. But now startups are punching right through the middle of the ice crust and displacing incumbents like retailers and TV networks and car companies. [7] But though the breakup of J. P. Morgan's economy created a new world in the technological sense, it was a reversion to the norm in the social sense. If you only look back as far as the mid 20th century, it seems like people getting rich by starting their own companies is a recent phenomenon. But if you look back further, you realize it's actually the default. So what we should expect in the future is more of the same. Indeed, we should expect both the number and wealth of founders to grow, because every decade it gets easier to start a startup. Part of the reason it's getting easier to start a startup is social. Society is (re)assimilating the concept. If you start one now, your parents won't freak out the way they would have a generation ago, and knowledge about how to do it is much more widespread. But the main reason it's easier to start a startup now is that it's cheaper. Technology has driven down the cost of both building products and acquiring customers. The decreasing cost of starting a startup has in turn changed the balance of power between founders and investors. Back when starting a startup meant building a factory, you needed investors' permission to do it at all. But now investors need founders more than founders need investors, and that, combined with the increasing amount of venture capital available, has driven up valuations. [8] So the decreasing cost of starting a startup increases the number of rich people in two ways: it means that more people start them, and that those who do can raise money on better terms. But there's also a third factor at work: the companies themselves are more valuable, because newly founded companies grow faster than they used to. Technology hasn't just made it cheaper to build and distribute things, but faster too. This trend has been running for a long time. IBM, founded in 1896, took 45 years to reach a billion 2020 dollars in revenue. Hewlett-Packard, founded in 1939, took 25 years. Microsoft, founded in 1975, took 13 years. Now the norm for fast-growing companies is 7 or 8 years. [9] Fast growth has a double effect on the value of founders' stock. The value of a company is a function of its revenue and its growth rate. So if a company grows faster, you not only get to a billion dollars in revenue sooner, but the company is more valuable when it reaches that point than it would be if it were growing slower. That's why founders sometimes get so rich so young now. The low initial cost of starting a startup means founders can start young, and the fast growth of companies today means that if they succeed they could be surprisingly rich just a few years later. It's easier now to start and grow a company than it has ever been. That means more people start them, that those who do get better terms from investors, and that the resulting companies become more valuable. Once you understand how these mechanisms work, and that startups were suppressed for most of the 20th century, you don't have to resort to some vague right turn the country took under Reagan to explain why America's Gini coefficient is increasing. Of course the Gini coefficient is increasing. With more people starting more valuable companies, how could it not be? Notes [1] Investment firms grew rapidly after a regulatory change by the Labor Department in 1978 allowed pension funds to invest in them, but the effects of this growth were not yet visible in the top 100 fortunes in 1982. [2] George Mitchell deserves mention as an exception. Though really driven and good at making deals, he was also the first to figure out how to use fracking to get natural gas out of shale. [3] When I say people are starting more companies, I mean the type of company meant to grow very big. There has actually been a decrease in the last couple decades in the overall number of new companies. But the vast majority of companies are small retail and service businesses. So what the statistics about the decreasing number of new businesses mean is that people are starting fewer shoe stores and barber shops. People sometimes get confused when they see a graph labelled "startups" that's going down, because there are two senses of the word "startup": (1) the founding of a company, and (2) a particular type of company designed to grow big fast. The statistics mean startup in sense (1), not sense (2). [4] Rockoff, Hugh. "Great Fortunes of the Gilded Age." NBER Working Paper 14555, 2008. [5] Lind, Michael. Land of Promise. HarperCollins, 2012. It's also likely that the high tax rates in the mid 20th century deterred people from starting their own companies. Starting one's own company is risky, and when risk isn't rewarded, people opt for safety instead. But it wasn't simply cause and effect. The oligopolies and high tax rates of the mid 20th century were all of a piece. Lower taxes are not just a cause of entrepreneurship, but an effect as well: the people getting rich in the mid 20th century from real estate and oil exploration lobbied for and got huge tax loopholes that made their effective tax rate much lower, and presumably if it had been more common to grow big companies by building new technology, the people doing that would have lobbied for their own loopholes as well. [6] That's why the people who did get rich in the mid 20th century so often got rich from oil exploration or real estate. Those were the two big areas of the economy that weren't susceptible to consolidation. [7] The pure tech companies used to be called "high technology" startups. But now that startups can punch through the middle of the ice crust, we don't need a separate name for the edges, and the term "high-tech" has a decidedly retro sound. [8] Higher valuations mean you either sell less stock to get a given amount of money, or get more money for a given amount of stock. The typical startup does some of each. Obviously you end up richer if you keep more stock, but you should also end up richer if you raise more money, because (a) it should make the company more successful, and (b) you should be able to last longer before the next round, or not even need one. Notice all those shoulds though. In practice a lot of money slips through them. It might seem that the huge rounds raised by startups nowadays contradict the claim that it has become cheaper to start one. But there's no contradiction here; the startups that raise the most are the ones doing it by choice, in order to grow faster, not the ones doing it because they need the money to survive. There's nothing like not needing money to make people offer it to you. You would think, after having been on the side of labor in its fight with capital for almost two centuries, that the far left would be happy that labor has finally prevailed. But none of them seem to be. You can almost hear them saying "No, no, not that way." [9] IBM was created in 1911 by merging three companies, the most important of which was Herman Hollerith's Tabulating Machine Company, founded in 1896. In 1941 its revenues were $60 million. Hewlett-Packard's revenues in 1964 were $125 million. Microsoft's revenues in 1988 were $590 million. Thanks to Trevor Blackwell, Jessica Livingston, Bob Lesko, Robert Morris, Russ Roberts, and Alex Tabarrok for reading drafts of this, and to Jon Erlichman for growth data. * * *

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